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Loyalists sought reforms to the relationship between Britain and the colonies short of outright revolution. In 1774, Joseph Galloway (1731-1803) presented a plan at the First Continental Congress in Philadelphia to allow the American colonies a united government but let Britain handle international affairs. The proposal narrowly failed.
Historians often represent the American Revolution as proceeding from great principles, but for ordinary people, wartime experiences shaped allegiances. Jasanoff gives the example of the ordeal of Thomas Brown (1750-1825). Brown came from England in 1774 to start a settlement in Georgia. Patriot neighbors sought his support for the revolution, but Brown was not interested. A patriot mob attacked him in August of 1775. Brown survived and formed the King’s Rangers, a loyalist militia.
There was vigorous public debate about the revolution. When Thomas Paine (1737-1809) published Common Sense in January of 1776 supporting revolution, assistant rector of Trinity Church in New York City, Charles Inglis (1734-1816), argued for peace in The True Interest of America, Impartially Stated (1776).
On July 4, 1776, the Declaration of Independence proclaimed the United States a sovereign nation, making loyalty to Britain treason to the new country. In August of 1776, 30,000 British troops landed in Brooklyn and routed Washington’s patriot army, which escaped in the night. New York City became a loyalist haven, but citizens resented British troops’ behavior. Loyalists drafted a “declaration of dependence” (33) acknowledging fealty to King George III (1738-1820) but asking for better treatment by the occupying British army.
Americans struggled to decide which side to support. Beverley Robinson (1722-1792), a Virginia-born New York landowner, was friends with George Washington and patriot politician John Jay (1745-1829). Jay implored him to support the revolution. Robinson decided to remain loyal to Britain in 1777. Two years into the war, Robinson organized a loyalist militia.
The loyalist cause attracted Native American supporters. The British Proclamation of 1763 banned Americans from settling west of the Appalachian Mountains. Prominent Mohawk woman Molly Brant (1736-1796), widow of esteemed settler William Johnson (1715-1774), rallied the Iroquois Confederacy to support Britain. Her brother, Joseph Brant (1743-1807), or Thayendanegea, also advocated the loyalist position.
In the final years of the war, the British focused on attacking Southern colonies. Elizabeth Johnston (1764-1848), from Georgia, was the young wife of a loyalist officer and medical student. David George (circa 1743-1810), born in Virginia, became one of approximately 20,000 enslaved people to defect to the loyalist side in exchange for freedom per the 1775 Dunmore Proclamation, issued by John Murray (1730-1809), known as Lord Dunmore.
Supported by French naval forces, revolutionary troops dealt the final major military defeat of the war to the British at Yorktown, Virginia in 1781. However, the conflict lingered as a bitter civil war. Guy Carleton (1724-1808), in charge of British forces in North America, faced a daunting task in evacuating British-held cities in the newly independent United States, with up to 100,000 soldiers and loyalist civilians depending on his leadership. The job “required nothing short of deconstructing the apparatus of an empire from the bottom up” (59).
In 1782, amidst ongoing skirmishes between patriot and loyalist militias, Carleton began the evacuation of Charleston and Savannah, putting approximately 20,000 people in transit. Southern loyalists primarily left for St. Augustine in East Florida, in part because of the relative ease of transporting enslaved people to this British-held territory.
While loyalists fled the Southern colonies, American and British diplomats negotiated the terms of the 1783 Treaty of Paris. Due in part to vehement rejection of compensation to loyalists from the new United States government by negotiator Benjamin Franklin (1706-1790), the treaty allowed individual states to decide if and how to help remaining loyalists, but only those who had not taken up arms in the revolution. Britain gave control of its Florida territory to Spain in exchange for Gibraltar, complicating the future for loyalists recently relocated to St. Augustine.
George Liele (circa 1750-1820), born into slavery in Georgia, left Savannah for Kingston, Jamaica as an indentured servant. Elizabeth Johnston followed her husband, a loyalist officer, to Charleston, where she gave birth to her first daughter. She then moved on to St. Augustine while her husband deployed to New York. Scottish-born John Cruden (1754-1787), in charge of sequestered estates, property seized from patriots, strove to distinguish between people who were legally freed from slavery and those still legally held by patriot enslavers, preventing the latter from leaving during the exodus. Cruden then departed for St. Augustine. After loyalist inspectors deemed him a legally emancipated free man, David George departed from Charleston with his family for Nova Scotia.
Carleton faced the challenge of evacuating New York in 1783, involving the movement of 20,000 troops and heavy military equipment, as well as 35,000 loyalist civilians. Carleton successfully petitioned the British government to reward resettled loyalists with land to facilitate the transition and ensure future loyalty to the British crown. Approximately 30,000 loyalist refugees from New York went to Nova Scotia, with others going to Quebec and the Bahamas.
The terms of the Treaty of Paris stipulated that the loyalist exodus should include no one legally enslaved by patriot Americans. Carleton implemented an inspection process to verify the legal freedom of formerly enslaved people, listed in The Book of Negroes as they departed New York. This record book constitutes “a genuinely exceptional document of exodus; nothing like it exists for the thousands of white loyalist refugees” (89).
Evacuating Florida was also a difficult undertaking, involving approximately 12,000 people, particularly bitter since most refugees faced multiple incidents of displacement in their exodus from the United States. Most loyalists in St. Augustine fled to the Bahamas.
Beverley Robinson, who helped Benedict Arnold (1741-1801) defect from the revolutionary to the British side in the war, resettled in England. A formerly enslaved man named Boston King (circa 1760-1802) left New York for Nova Scotia. Elizabeth Johnston left St. Augustine, following her husband to Britain, with plans to settle their growing young family in Scotland. Creek leaders who supported loyalist militias during the war met with Thomas Brown and asked the British government to give them land within the British Empire. Brown conveyed this request to Carleton, who discouraged the idea. John Cruden also continued his impractical mission of ensuring only those who were legally freed from slavery left the United States, a task his fellow officials did not understand, as it seemed to assist the enemy. Cruden became a fervent advocate for maintaining a loyalist colony within Spanish Florida, but the Spanish government refused his plan. Cruden eventually relocated to the Bahamas.
Chapters 1-3 focus on the experiences of loyalists before, during, and immediately after the Revolutionary War, within the American colonies and the newly formed United States. Few previous histories of the Revolutionary War considered the roles and perspectives of loyalists. Jasanoff argues the Revolutionary War was a civil war, ripping American society in two, as much as it was an international conflict; this framing is relatively historically innovative and, as such, further demonstrates the author’s motivation to illuminate unexplored scholarly territory and correct popular academic misunderstandings.
Such misunderstandings often involve historians’ simplistic notion that loyalists’ allegiances—even the Revolutionary War itself—were reliably motivated by their firmly held ideals. In contrast, as the author vividly describes how a patriot mob attacked Virginian planter Thomas Brown—crushed his skull, partially scalped him, and tarred and burned his legs—she makes the point that civilians often became loyalists due to circumstances and events, not principles. Brown, initially uninterested in the conflict, organized the King’s Rangers after this brutal attack. Had he not been the victim of political mob violence, Brown may have remained peaceful.
Further challenging popular idealistic narratives of loyalist motivations, other loyalists decided to support the British cause after deliberation and for strategic reasons. Beverley Robinson spent years wrestling with the question, defying advice from his patriot friends. Joseph Brant believed a British victory would best serve Mohawk interests, in part because patriots opposed the Proclamation of 1763 that prohibited settlement west of the Appalachian Mountains. Additionally, because the Dunmore Proclamation of 1775 offered freedom to enslaved people who defected to the British side, approximately 20,000 people, including David George, supported the British cause in order to achieve freedom from slavery.
Jasanoff emphasizes that there was significant public debate about whether to rebel against the British government, another fact that historians commonly overlook; in other words, loyalist sympathies were not always automatic or wholehearted but were conflicted, deliberated, and nuanced depending on the individual. Thomas Paine’s pro-revolution Common Sense remains famous, unlike the essay Charles Inglis wrote in response, The True Interest of America, Impartially Stated, arguing for peace. Loyalists did not necessarily support the status quo, but advocated reforms, not revolution. Joseph Galloway’s proposal for limited self-government, considered a brilliant compromise, came close to approval at the First Continental Congress in 1774. If it had passed a vote, colonial politicians could have averted war. After the British victory at the Battle of Brooklyn, which almost defeated the revolution in one stroke, New York City was a loyalist haven. Even committed loyalists who flocked to the city for protection appealed for better treatment by occupying British troops.
These initial three chapters communicate the acute, sometimes repeated trauma that displacement caused loyalist refugees. As well as detailing the factual history of loyalist evacuations, Jasanoff narrates experiences of specific individuals in this early phase of the loyalist diaspora. These chapters also describe the logistical challenges faced by British officials, led by Guy Carleton, evacuating loyalist cities while abiding terms of surrender. The 1783 Treaty of Paris that ended the Revolutionary War compelled British officials to ensure only those legally freed from slavery went into exodus. Jasanoff draws attention to a useful primary source for researching Black loyalists who left America via New York, The Book of Negroes, created as proof British officials in New York upheld this term of the treaty.
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